“I feel one can say with some conviction that no man should willingly leave his home to fight, wound, maim or kill other men about whom he knows little and whom he certainly does not hate. When all men refuse to commit such follies the foundations of a true civilisation will have only just started to be laid.”
- Sam Sutcliffe, circa 1974 (extracted from his Memoir)
Showing posts with label Foot soldier's memoir. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Foot soldier's memoir. Show all posts

Sunday, 30 September 2018

Sam and POW pals take a train to a new compound in occupied Lorraine… and a French woman slips a package through the wire, which tests Sam’s conscience. Meanwhile, spirits rise when a passing sailor says the German Navy has mutinied!

Sam’s Memoir – paperback and e-book – and the e-excerpts from it are now available in their third and final editions with added Endnotes and, in the Memoir, added documentation.

For details of how to buy Sams full Memoir(1) in paperback or e-book & excerpted Gallipoli Somme & Arras 1918/POW etc mini-e-books & reader reviews see right-hand column
All proceeds to the British Red Cross
For AUDIO excerpts click Here  Join Foot Soldier Sam on Facebook Here

Dear all

A hundred years ago this week… From north to south of the Western Front, the now established plot line continued: the Allies advanced, sometimes just occupying ground from which the German Army had retreated, sometimes encountering ferocious rearguards and suffering terrible casualties, but always advancing.
    In the Flanders Advance (September 28-October 10) element of the broad-front Battle Of The Hindenburg Line (September 18-October 17), Belgian, French and British took Dixmude (September 30), Ledeghem (October 1), Gheluwe, Hooglede (3), Amentières (3; lost in the Spring Offensive on April 11), and the left bank of the River Lys – while withdrawing, the Germans burned Douai.
    The Battle Of The St Quentin Canal (September 29-October 2 or 10 depending who’s counting) saw the town of St Quentin won by the French (October 1-2) who then pressed on northeastwards. This became the Battle Of The Beaurevoir Line (3-6; the town is 13 miles south of Cambrai – by then burnt by the Germans – and 10 miles north of St Quentin). Australian troops took nearby Montbrehain (5) and the British took Beaurevoir itself (6) to complete a breach in the Hindenburg Line.
    The Franco-American Meuse Argonne Offensive (September 26-November 11) slowly moved forward again after German reinforcements had forced a temporary pause. The French took Challerange (October 2; 40 miles easy of Reims) and the second phase of the Offensive began (4) with costly American frontal assaults which gained ground northeast of the Argonne Forest, while the French progressed to the River Arnes.
    In Russia, the Allies’ skirmishes with Bolshevik forces continued as Canadian troops joined a mixed bag of Allies at Archangel (September 30; 610 miles north of Moscow) – they then repulsed a Bolshevik attack at Seletskaya (6; 170 miles south of Archangel). Meanwhile, loyalists in the southern Urals proved that the Revolution remained incomplete by calling for the formation of a new All-Russian Constituent Assembly (3)… and the Allied Japanese contribution to the foothold in eastern Siberia reached Ruchlevo (3; name or transliteration must have changed since then, I can’t find the place).
    And down in Syria the ultra-multinational Allied Egyptian Expeditionary Force, augmented of late by the Sharif of Mecca’s Arab Army, chased the Ottomans and Germans to Damascus, which they surrendered (October 1), and then onwards towards Homs and Aleppo. Syria declared independence at this point, but under whose leadership remained unclear for some time.

[Memoir background: my father, Lance Corporal Signaller Sam Sutcliffe from Edmonton, north London, 16-year-old underage volunteer in September, 1914, fought at Gallipoli with the 2/1st Royal Fusiliers (Blogs September 20, 2015, to January 3, 2016), then on the Somme Front with his second outfit, the Kensingtons (Blogs May 15 to September 25, 2016)… until officialdom spotted his real age – 18, legally too young for the battlefield. So they told him he could take a break from the fighting until he turned 19. He accepted, though with an enduring sense of guilt. December, 1916, saw him posted to Harrogate, Yorkshire, and re-allocated to the Essex Regiment 2/7th Battalion (Blogs November 27, 2016, to November 11, 2017). He passed many weeks in various hospitals because of a meningitis scare, German Measles, and recovery from the effects of trench warfare’s privations (he spent his 19th birthday, July 6, 1917, in a Sheffield hospital). During that summer, his Company Officer offered him the chance to train for a commission, but Sam detested ordering men around so he refused; he may have requested his subsequent “reversion” to Private, or perhaps it was a “punishment”, I don’t know. In December, probably, solo, he returned to France and dogsbodied for Brigade HQ in Arras and at the nearby Front until, in mid-March, he ran into his own Essex Battalion; they moved into the trenches near Fampoux, about six miles east of Arras… just in time for the opening artillery bombardment of the German Spring Offensive and a last stand by the Battalion on March 28 which left 80 alive and “fit” out of the 520 who started the day – the 440 in between being dead, wounded or, like Sam, “missing” and, in his case, a POW. Then, for three or four months he wandered occupied France in randomly-assembled half-starved POW groups, until a train took his latest band down to a rural area between the Rhine and the Black Forest near a village called Hügelheim. There they settled into a slightly less uncomfortable/filthy camp for the summer, mainly working on sick and wounded German war horses… ]

FOOTSOLDIERSAM SPEAKS
September – er, well, maybe August, see below! – 1918: my father, Signaller Sam Sutcliffe, now 20 years old and six months a slowly starving POW often brutalised by the guards, is still clinging on, lately somewhat uplifted by his food-scrounging partnership with fellow Tommy prisoners Wally and George. Whatever they can find, be it via digging up a few small spuds or snagging a piece of raw liver from a pigs’ trough, they share and share alike.
    But now the settled, if often violent, routine of the POW camp outside Hügelheim is about to change as the Tommies are forced to move on again after their first extended period settled in one place for perhaps ten weeks. First, though, news to set hope off on an excited gallop:

‘One morning, the only German sailor I ever saw walked into the Pferde Lazerette(2) and, eavesdropping his conversation with his friends among our guards, I got the idea that he was telling them something very exciting. Later I heard the details from a friendly guard; the sailor would not return to his ship because the German Navy had mutinied and many, like him, had gone home for good.
     Hardly believable, this wonderful news, but it filled us with joyful anticipation – although, next day, you would never have thought our guards knew about the mutiny for they turned us out of our huts as usual and marched us off to the stables. This must have been in August, 1918(3). Surely, I thought, the German Army must lose heart too, now that American troops had added their strength to ours on the Western Front. I knew they had been in action having seen one of their men, already a prisoner, at the historic 1870 boundary arch and barracks(4)… Still no local signs of the war coming to an end, though.
     But, that day, the guards did tell a few of us – thankfully, including my mates Wally and George – to bring our odds and ends out of our hut and we set off to a railway station. After a short journey, followed by a march, we finished up in a village in Lorraine(5). There we joined about 40 Britishers, all complete strangers to us. The guards led the whole crowd of us into a village hall with no bunks.
     We bedded down — if that’s the right word for lying on bare floorboards — and close together to benefit from shared warmth, as the nights always seemed cold.
     With no work allotted next morning, I had time to reconnoitre… A stout barbed-wire fence enclosed the hall, with quite a wide space between building and wire. The sentries patrolling outside took long rests sitting on stools, I noted. Fortunately, they rested on the opposite side of the building to a footpath where civilians passed fairly frequently. So I stood there beside a small gap in the wire I’d spotted, hopefully surveying the scene.
     When a lady dressed in black came by she neither paused nor looked at me, but I heard a whisper and caught the words “retourner” and “retour”(6), French words anyway, which made me stay put and, in addition, told me one surprising thing – namely that after all the years since the 1870 war(7), these good people, who became German citizens with France’s defeat, had still retained their mother tongue – even though, as I later discovered, officially they spoke German at all times.
     In due course, the good soul walked that way again, and again without pause or any other acknowledgment of my presence, she slipped her hand through the gap in the wire and passed a small package to me. “Merci bien,”was the best I could manage to whisper by way of thanks, for she vanished so quickly.
     Now came the test of my honesty, which I failed, being always so starving hungry. Before I could check my action, I had bitten a mouthful out of the piece of fruit pie I found in the paper wrapping. Remorse was hardly a strong enough word to describe the guilt I felt; Wally had been so generous with the oddments he scrounged when working at the piggeries­ – many a time he must have been tempted to gobble the lot on his way back after a day’s work.
     I found my two pals in the village hall, confessed, handed the rest to Wally, who broke it into three small shares, returning to me a third, less one mouthful.’
(2Pferde Lazerette: horse hospital.
(3) My father’s memory may be wrong with regard to timing here – and in the past couple of episodes he’s reckoned his narrative had reached September. Wikipedia says the first, limited, and short-lived German Navy mutiny took place at North Sea port Wilhelmshaven, October 29-30, 1918; the second and decisive one followed shortly at Kiel, on the canal linking the Baltic to the North Sea, November 3, 1918; that triggered the German Revolution which swept aside the monarchy within a few days and eventually led to Germany’s Weimar Republic period; the effects of that mutiny certainly spread rapidly down to the southern region where my father was imprisoned; I don’t know, but I’m guessing either the sailor’s visit to the Pferde Lazerette occurred some weeks later than my father reckoned when writing his Memoir, or said sailor had observed or taken part in an earlier and more minor mutiny which didn’t, at that point, embrace much of the German Navy.
(4) See blog July 8, 2018.
(5) My father didn’t recall the name of the village, but the train would have travelled west from Müllheim and Hügelheim, probably towards Mühlhausen/Mulhouse again – that city being a few miles over the border between Germany and then-German-held Lorraine. Today Müllheim to Mulhouse by train would take 23 minutes and set you back €3.90. The Hügelheim branch line seems to have closed down.
(6)“Retourner” = “come back” (verb);“retour” = “return”(noun).
(7) Alsace-Lorraine: annexed by the German Empire in 1871 as one of the spoils of the Franco-Prussian War (’70-1); in July, 1915, the German Government banned the French language from the region; the Allies annexed Alsace-Lorraine back to France in December, 1918, and, in the early ’20s, deported the Germans remaining there and banned their language; Hitler effectively re-annexed Alsace in 1940-45, then lost it again. Apologies, by a slip of the brain I said in last week’s “Next week” paragraph that this village was in Alsace but, as you see, it was definitely in Lorraine.

All the best– FSS

Next week: Sam reckons the war’s final throes are coming up and hopes he can “stand a few more weeks of near-starvation”. Then a Red Cross parcel arrives for George – who falls to temptation and temporarily forgets the food-sharing partnership with Sam and Wally…

(1) In his 70s, Sam Sutcliffe wrote Nobody Of Any Importance, a Memoir of his life from childhood through Gallipoli, the Somme, Arras 1918 and eight months as a POW to the 1919 Peace parade.

Sunday, 22 July 2018

Sam, picking up more German, gets a conscience-troubling offer to act as translator to the POWs… And a German guard asks him what is this “fick” the British soldiers are always saying?

For details of how to buy Sams full Memoir(1) in paperback or e-book & excerpted Gallipoli Somme episode & Arras 1918/POW etc mini-e-books & reader reviews see right-hand column
All proceeds to the British Red Cross
For AUDIO excerpts click Here  Join Foot Soldier Sam on Facebook Here

Dear all

A hundred years ago this week… The conclusive turnaround in the Second Battle Of The Marne (July 15-August 5) continued as the Allies converted the last great German attack into a long retreat (from July 20 onwards). The French and Americans first held off counterattacks between the rivers Ourcq and Marne, then crossed the Marne, while the British occupied Marfaux, 12 miles southwest of Reims.
    Thence, the Franco-American advance moved on to recover Main de Messiges (25; 40 miles east of Reims) and Fère-en-Tardenois (28), while the British occupied Montagne de Bligny (also 28; Ardre valley, southeast of Soissons). Meanwhile the Battle Of Soissons proceeded – though the usual sources take confusingly different views of its duration, one saying July 18-22, another July 22-August 2 (the prodigious casualties, even based on the shorter duration, were officially 168,000 German and 107,000 Allied, the total dead numbering 85,158). But at the end of this week, the German Army did still hold the town they won on May 30 during the Third Battle Of The Aisne.
    Elsewhere, by comparison, bloody skirmishing prevailed. The Czechoslovak Legions, 40,000 men spread along thousands of miles of the Trans-Siberian Railway, displaced another Bolshevik city government when they ousted them from Simbirsk (July 25; on the Volga, 438 miles east of Moscow). A day later, a French Expeditionary Force joined with British and Tsarist Russian troops at Murmansk (northwest Russia, on the Barents Sea) and, further indicating how shaky the Revolution remained, in Baku the self-styled Central-Caspian Dictatorship executed a coup generated by a short-lived alliance of Mensheviks (socialist rivals of the Bolsheviks) and Dashnaks (the Armenian Revolutionary Federation).
    And down in Albania, the Allied offensive led by France and Italy against the Austrian occupiers stalled on July 22 and resumed two days later.

[Memoir background: my father, Lance Corporal Signaller Sam Sutcliffe from Edmonton, north London,16-year-old underage volunteer in September, 1914, fought at Gallipoli with the 2/1st Royal Fusiliers (Blogs September 20, 2015, to January 3, 2016), then on the Somme Front with his second outfit, the Kensingtons (Blogs May 15 to September 25, 2016)… untilofficialdom spotted his real age – 18, legally too young for the battlefield. So they told him he could take a break from the fighting until he turned 19. He accepted, though with an enduring sense of guilt. By December, 1916, he ended up posted to Harrogate, Yorkshire, and re-allocated again, this time to the Essex Regiment 2/7th Battalion (many Blogs November 27, 2016, to November 11, 2017).An interesting year ensued – weeks of it passed in various northern hospitals because of a meningitis scare, German Measles, and recovery from the effects of trench warfare’s privations (he spent his 19th birthday, July 6, 1917, at Wharncliffe War Hospital, Sheffield). During that summer, his Company Officer offered him the chance to train for a commission, but Sam detested ordering men around so he refused; he may have requested his subsequent “reversion” to Private, or perhaps it was a “punishment”, I don’t know. Come November/December, 1917, during his final home leave, he assured his parents that he would survive. In December/January, he returned to France, unattached to any specific Battalion pro tem, and dogsbodied for Brigade HQ in Arras – including excursions to the front. In mid-March he ran into his own Essex Battalion; they moved into the trenches near Fampoux, about six miles east of Arras… just in time for the opening artillery bombardment of the German Spring Offensive and a last stand by the Battalion on March 28 which left 80 alive and OK out of the 520 who started the day – the 440 in between being dead, wounded or, like Sam, “missing” and, in his case, a POW.]

FOOTSOLDIERSAM SPEAKS
Last week – taken prisoner outside Arras to become part of randomly-assembled, half-starved bands of POWs wandering occupied France, then down into southern Germany between the Rhine and the Black Forest – my father, Signaller Sam Sutcliffe, settled into a new line of often satisfying hard labour, grooming sick and wounded German war horses.
    Despite the guard who woke them every morning with the point of his bayonet, for the enfeebled and desperate POWs doing “someone” a bit of good raised morale. As did the indoor latrines and the chance to nick a spud or two from the animals’ feed… 
    And now Sam has to consider the offer of further easements in exchange for a sliver of POW honour and decency:

‘Always curious to learn a few more words of the lingo – to no specific end that I recall – I’d try to comprehend when the guards talked casually to one another, leaning or squatting outside their hut, particularly on Sundays, the day off for everybody in the camp.
     I’d listen to our interpreter too, whenever the Jerries called him into service. I did have doubts about him, though. An ordinary prisoner, aged about 25, so keen was he to please his masters that he frequently walked around quietly mouthing German phrases. At such times, he appeared unaware he was being observed. When passing on to any of us his interpretation of an order, he would show petty annoyance if one of us didn’t grasp his meaning immediately – rather as a German guard might have done. Sometimes his behaviour came too close to preferring enemy company to that of his own nationals and I noted the potential hazards of such a role. Luckily, as it turned out.
     One day at the stables, the chief officer called to an aide telling him to order me to fetch his mount from a nearby stable. I understood and, without thinking, set off before the aide had delivered the instruction. I found the already saddled horse and took it to His Highness, holding its bridle while he mounted. The puzzled looks on their faces made me realise I had acted in an unexpected way. Then, while we were marching back that afternoon, a Gefreiter(2) came alongside me and spoke words among which I recognised “Dolmetscher” – interpreter – but I assured him, truthfully, that I spoke very little German.
     Apart from the practical matter of my slight knowledge, I had not yet made up my mind whether giving orders to our chaps on behalf of enemy soldiers was correct or even decent. Memories of how indignant I felt when I saw that git Goldberg mounted on his plinth yelling directions at newly captured Britishers helped me to a decision(3); the Dolmetscher lark was out. I still wanted to chat whenever possible, though.
     Around that time, a guard engaged me in conversation (the usual: a few German words, a few English words, lots of actions). He started by telling me he had been in the front line until recently. He said he felt sorry for some of us prisoners. Others though, he disliked, because they dodged work whenever possible – especially by spending too much time at the latrine. His belief that some of us would perch on a pole over a foul-smelling trench full of human excrement in preference to doing a share of the work lowered his opinion of us Engländer Schweinereien. Well, perhaps one or two of us did make that choice, but I presumed – although expressing the thought was beyond me – that this guard had never experienced the combined effects of malnutrition and dysentery.
     He had a question too. He’d heard us using a word which he pronounced “fick” — “Warum die Engländer immer‘fick’?” he asked. Why do the English always day ‘fick’? “Ich weiss nicht,” I said. I don’t know. Nor did I, nor do I, now that it has become so poseur popular. Bloody, bugger, sod, damn and blast all serve their purposes, but the connotations of “fuck” make it an ugly sort of curse, and those Jocks and Brummies(4) I’ve mentioned befouled the air in their vicinity with their effing repetitions. Although the guard was just an ordinary bloke, not familiar with the word or its meaning, he guessed it and resented the association of swearing and the sex act(5).
(2) Gefreiter: the equivalent of a Private First Class.
(3) “That git Goldberg” cropped up in Blog 197 April 15, 2018.
(4) Readers of previous blogs will know that my father’s poor opinion of these men was not a blanket prejudice against “Jocks and Brummies” (he’d fought alongside Scots at the Somme), but a volunteer veteran’s animus against what he saw as conscripts’ lack of commitment and discipline – got to be clear which prejudice we’re dealing with, you know, when my father’s delivering some of his harsher judgements!
(5) Sam’s interpretation of the guard’s feelings may well be correct; according to the unscientific testimony of a German friend of mine, who happens to be from the Black Forest vicinity, “Scheisse!” (shit) is the apogee of cursing in her language, with no “fuck” equivalent to drag sex into it.

All the best– FSS

Next week: Sam and pals’ POW summer days have their downs and ups – guards set them up for a kicking from the horses… but a friendly one lets them eat windfall greengages.

(1) In his 70s, Sam Sutcliffe wrote Nobody Of Any Importance, a Memoirof his life from childhood through Gallipoli, the Somme, Arras 1918 and eight months as a POW to the 1919 Peace parade.

Sunday, 5 February 2017

Sam and under-age pals are suddenly hit by an outbreak of meningitis or “spotted fever” – one of the hazards for soldiers living cheek by jowl…

For details of how to buy Sams full Memoir* in paperback or e-book & excerpted Gallipoli & Somme episode mini-e-books & reader reviews see right-hand column
All proceeds to the British Red Cross

For AUDIO excerpts click Here  Join Foot Soldier Sam on Facebook Here

Dear all

A hundred years ago this week… the sinking of a second American merchant ship (February 11; schooner SS Lyman M. Law, 25 miles off southern Sardinia) under the renewed Central Powers’ declaration of “unrestricted” submarine warfare edged President Woodrow Wilson towards joining the Allies.
    On the Western Front, the British Army took 1,000 yards of German trenches in the Ancre area at Grandcourt (February 6-7), the Sailly-Sallisel ridge on the Somme front (8), and 600 yards of trenches near Serre (10) with relatively low casualties despite German counterattacks.
    To the east and south of Europe, the Russian Army held off German attacks south of Kieselin (February 5; now in Ukraine) and across the frozen Sereth river near Focsani (6; east central Romania). At the same time, the Italian Army repulsed Austrian attacks east of Gorizia (5-9; in northeast Italy by the present border with Slovenia).
    But the week’s most decisive action occurred well away from the fierce European winter, on the banks of the Tigris in Mesopotamia where the Second Battle Of Kut “officially” began with four Turkish attacks on the advancing British beaten off, then reversed as the Turks retreated to their last line of trenches (February 6-11; the first Battle Of Kut had ended with the British driven out the previous April).

Meanwhile, my father, under-age 2/1st Royal Fusiliers volunteer and Gallipoli veteran Corporal Sam Sutcliffe from Edmonton, north London, had fought on the Somme Front with his second outfit the Kensingtons from mid-May to September (FootSoldierSam’s Blogs dated May 15 to September 25, 2016)… Until he was told his age – 18 on July 6 – had been officially noticed, he was legally too young for the battlefield, and he could take a break until his 19th birthday. So he did – not without a sense of guilt. Via Harfleur and London, he ended up posted to Harrogate, Yorkshire, and re-allocated again, this time to the Essex Regiment 2/7th Battalion along with a bunch of other under-age Tommies training and making their own entertainment until they severally became eligible for the trenches once more…

FOOTSOLDIERSAM SPEAKS
Last week, Sam ended his blossoming relationship with the girl whose toboggan he crashed – romance starts in the weirdest ways – because he caught her sister, whom she lived with, on the arm of a soldier when he knew she was married to another Tommy who was away at the Western Front (if you follow – my father never named either of them so they must remain personal pronouns forevermore). But it showed how strong his Boy Scout morality remained in him – along with elements of soldier’s honour and old-fashioned English embarrassment.
    Now, in February, 1917, with the freezing winter set in, Sam and his comrade underagers become caught up in one of the epidemics, of varying severity, which regularly swept the country in those years:

‘I moved from my room up above the character delineator’s shop** to a school the Army had taken over. In a large hall, another floor, another mattress. Along with two blankets, that was your home. Warmer than my previous billet, at least, the radiators in full working order, quite cosy.
    Soon after our arrival, during the night, a youngster lying on his mattress two or three yards away from me complained of feeling very ill. Next morning he appeared even worse, so the NCO in charge suggested he saw the doctor. The rest of us went on parade but, when we returned in the evening, the sick man had not moved. He lay still on his mattress. Of course, we got him hot tea; food he couldn’t take.
    Then somebody did something about it. Or was supposed to do something about it. We gathered the doctors had been informed of the man’s illness. But two, possibly three days passed. A couple of us took matters into our own hands; we went to the Medical Officer’s quarters and demanded that the boy be seen because he was terribly ill. So the doctor did visit him and promptly expressed alarm at his appearance and the signs and symptoms the examination revealed.
    The next morning, the MO reappeared, escorting a senior officer, a Royal Army Medical Corps Major, who examined the boy himself, then had him removed immediately, sent off to an isolation hospital. After that, the Major addressed the rest of us to find out who’d had contact with his patient and to take swabs from our throats.
    Within 24 hours, our Company Sergeant Major was calling out the names of men whose swabs had shown positive results – including mine. We had to gather our belongings together and get into a lorry to be carted off to the isolation hospital… Though I suppose the description “hospital” flatters it somewhat. It consisted of two or three large Army huts. But they were comfortable and clean and we had small iron beds, even sheets. So we settled down into what could have been a period of relative luxury.
    We were told that, although not ill, we had in our throats the germs of cerebrospinal meningitis***, known by the medics as CSM and sometimes referred to, back then, as “spotted fever”. A dangerous complaint. We harboured the germs of one sex or the other and if, while that remained with us, a germ of the opposite sex entered our system the two would get together and the trouble could start. It started at the bottom of the spinal cord and it could soon reach the brain with awful results. So we were told.’
** “Character delineator” – fashionable quackery of the time whereon my father commented in Blog 132, January 15, 2017, “People actually paid the gentleman fees to encourage him to tell them about themselves. Did his opinion of the client exceed the client’s opinion of himself? This I never discovered…”
*** Common among troops for reasons explained by the British Medical Journal for January, 1915 (any or all of this may now be deemed tosh, of course): a) overcrowding in camps and barracks b) cold winter weather c) too much muscular exertion among new recruits – who then spread it to civilians. The same report says there were three meningitis waves during WW1 a) early 1915 b) early ’16 c) early ’17. So, time-wise,  the Harrogate outbreak among soldiers fits c) Wave III. However, in all three the main concentrations were south of a line from Wash to Severn so the outbreak experienced by my father and his comrades was an outlier.

All the best – FSS

Next week: Sam goes through a wonderfully archaic course of treatment… and starts to feel rather ill…

* In his 70s, Sam Sutcliffe wrote Nobody Of Any Importance, a Memoir of his life from childhood through Gallipoli, the Somme, Arras 1918 and eight months as a POW to the 1919 Peace parade.

Sunday, 25 September 2016

Sam, still under-age, gets the chance to leave the Somme battlefield – um, what should he do?

For details of how to buy Sams full Memoir in paperback or e-book & excerpted Gallipoli & Somme episode mini-e-books & reader reviews see right-hand column
All proceeds to British Red Cross

For AUDIO excerpts click Here  Join Foot Soldier Sam on Facebook Here

Dear all

A hundred years ago this week… On the Western Front, the Allies pressed ahead so consistently you might have imagined the war was almost over, not just halfway through.
    Down in the southern Somme region, victories for the British and French Armies in the adjacent Battles Of Morval (September 25-28; 5,000 Allied casualties, German unknown) and Thiepval Ridge (26-30, the Canadians heavily involved there too; 12,500 Allied casualties, specific German figures not known, but along the Front as a whole they suffered their worst month so far, 135,000)… but an overview would show each costly “win” amounted to an advance of a few thousand yards at best.
    On the Eastern Front, despite the declared conclusion of the Brusilov Offensive, the Russian Army still moved forward in Ukraine around Brody and Zlota-Liepa (September 30-October 1), and the promising period of new Ally Romania’s ill-fated invasion of Transylvania continued with the opening gambits of their Flamanda Offensive against the Austro-Hungarian and German Armies (September 29-October 5) immediately resulting in a bridgehead across the Danube at Flamanda itself.
    And down in Greece, the multi-faceted Allied forces gathered in Salonika – British, French, Russians, Italians and the de-patriated Serbs – all made headway against the Bulgarian Army in Greek Macedonia with the Serbs getting to within 25 miles of the campaign’s main objective, Monastir (September 30, now Bitola), when they took Mount Kaymackchlan and pushed onwards.

Meanwhile, my father Sam Sutcliffe from Edmonton, north London, 18 on July 6, 1916, and lately promoted to Corporal, had returned from home leave in August to find his Kensingtons Battalion happily resting for a few days at Millencourt-en-Ponthieu, 30-odd miles west of the Somme Front, before moving back into battle further south around Leuze Wood from September 6.
     For Sam, a September 1914 volunteer, this followed a ’15-’16 winter at Suvla Bay, Gallipoli with the 2/1st Royal Fusiliers (250 out of 1,000 avoided the lists of shot, shell and disease casualties). They’d sailed to France in late April, where – to their disgust – they were disbanded and transferred to other outfits… Sam to the Kensingtons and the Somme front-line at Hébuterne/Gommecourt, where they’d fought from mid-May onwards. There, on July 1, they’d suffered 59 per cent casualties (see FootSoldierSam’s Blogs dated June 26 and July 3, 2016) – and fought on and on until that August break, and subsequent move to yet another battlefield…

FOOTSOLDIERSAM SPEAKS
Last week, with the Kensingtons installed on the Somme Front around Leuze Wood*, Morval, Bouleaux Wood, Maltz Horn Farm and Falfremont Farm (in action September 9-27), my father resumed his trench mentality – though, to me, with a degree of fatalistic insouciance he hadn’t expressed before, not during the Gallipoli campaign nor around July 1 up at Hébuterne/Gommecourt.
    “Never a dull moment,” he wrote of the incessant, deadly skirmishing, while nonetheless welcoming the respite afforded by the deep dugouts in the ex-German trenches they manned.
    But now comes a huge moment in his war-time story. The offer of a (temporary) end to his battlefield life – could it be goodbye to all that danger, terror, comradeship? He wrote:

‘Soon, again, we moved up front for minor action, patrol clashes, snatch raids, nothing yet on the grand scale although we felt, or knew, I think, that another big battle was pending…
     So you may be able to appreciate my feelings when, next time out at rest, I was ordered to report to the Regimental Sergeant Major, the big man I’ve told you about, splendid soldier, he who ordered me to put up a second stripe when I didn’t want to**.
     I entered the room in a half-ruined house he used as an office, stood smartly to attention, announced my name and rank, and he told me to relax. He chatted in a very friendly way — it really did amaze me that the top man of all the NCOs should have any knowledge of me, trying as I always did to play it quietly, lie low and bother nobody.
     Suddenly, in the midst of our conversation he held up a piece of paper and said: “This thing’s come along. Ridiculous really. Don’t suppose you’ll want to have anything to do with it. It seems that after all this time up here, you’re still under the age at which soldiers are allowed to be on active service***. That’s what it says here. And, moreover, it says you are to be sent back to base. You don’t have to go. I think I can fix it so that you can stay here with the boys as I know you’d wish to.”’

As my father’s editor, I’m introducing an artificial pause here to consider the crosscurrents of emotion in his 18-year-old mind, heart and soul at this point as he faced this decision… what would you do?

‘I had to think very quickly. Then I recalled my letter home during the period when I was feeling, not desperate, but quite bitter about not getting a few days leave, and how my father had relayed that appeal, as his own, to Lloyd George. I realised then that this thing had not stopped with me being given special leave. The rest of it had gone through too and I was to be sent back****.
     No doubt, at that time, I hated to lose face with the great RSM, but I said to him: “If that order has come through, then it is the wish of my father that I should follow it and, as he’s done this for me, I’ll go along with whatever the order says must happen.”
     When the RSM saw I was set on that course, I guess he expressed his disappointment. I’m sure he’d expected me to feel honoured by his offer to wangle it for me so I could stay with my Battalion. Probably, my rank as Sergeant in charge of a Platoon would then have been confirmed.
     Suffice it to say I left the Battalion*****, gathered up my belongings, made my way to a railway station as instructed, and got on a train which didn’t stop until we approached a part of the French coast I’d never seen before, near the port of Le Havre where I was to transfer to the British Army camp at Harfleur — the place has some historical significance I believe******.
* One fatality at Leuze Wood, September 9, was Major Cedric Charles Dickens, aged 27, the great novelist’s grandson, CO of my father’s Company A (or so I deduce from the Kensingtons’ War Diary and Pro Patria Mori, Alan MacDonald’s extraordinarily detailed account of July 1 at Gommecourt).
** My father further praises this RSM in his account of July 1 on the Somme too – see Blog 103 July 26, 2016: ‘… the unshakeable RSM, who won praises from everyone who chanced to be near him during the battle’ (and also, with other surviving Kensingtons officers helped to organise the night-time search for the wounded in No Man’s Land which my father took part in. He is never named in the Memoir nor in other accounts I’ve read, including the Battalion WD as far as I can see. It seems this period “out at rest” would probably have been at Morlancourt, where they billeted in houses, and then a place called The Citadel, where the accommodations were tented (September 29-October 3). Given the RSM was quartered in “a half-ruined house” my best guess is that meeting occurred at The Citadel, probably on September 30.
*** Sam was 18 on July 6, 1916; conscription of males aged 19 upwards began in January, 1916, and, although the lower limit was further dropped to 18 that May, according to http://www.1914-1918.net/recruitment.htm the law still said a soldier could not be sent into battle overseas until he was 19.
**** See Blog 108 July 17, 1916 – Sam’s father wrote to War Minister Lloyd George both asking that he be granted his first home leave for 18 months (which included Gallipoli and July 1 on the Somme) and pointing our that he was still under-age for combat. Sam promptly got a week’s home leave, in August, and now, he presumed, the Minister’s office was sorting out the age issue too.
***** Unsurprisingly, the Kensingtons’ War Diary makes no mention of my father’s departure and clues to the date are sparse. But, given that his sabbatical from the front line came through just before that “big battle” he mentions a few paragraphs earlier, I think it would have been late September/early October. Because from October 3-9, on the stretch of Front they’d occupied for more than a month, the Battalion took part in an ill-fated action around Billon Farm and then Trônes Wood (October 5-9, the “big battle pending” my father refers to, I deduce), their casualties totalling four officers and 179 ORs (Other Ranks). Battalion CO Lieutenant Colonel HWH Young had made himself unpopular in the hierarchy throughout this campaign (as at Hébuterne, where he was thrust into command of the Kensingtons on June 28!) by complaining to his Brigade superiors about their rearward location, ignorance of the realities of the British trenches, and poor tactical judgement in using the intelligence they gathered from aerial photos and reports. He noted that “about this time [late September] I received a typewritten letter asking me if any of the men would care to submit designs for a Divisional Christmas card”; he saw this as the sort of thing Bruce Bairnsfather might “invent” for a cartoon. He left his post on October 27, his departure as unremarked by the Battalion WD as, probably a few days later, Sam Sutcliffe’s would be.
****** Harfleur: a small port on the banks of the Rivers Seine and Lézarde – back then, three miles from Le Havre, now a suburb; scene of the 1415 Anglo-French battle which inspired the “Once more unto the breach, dear friends…” speech in Shakespeare’s Henry V.

All the best – FSS

Next week: Sam arrives in Harfleur feeling “not very proud of myself”, but trying to concentrate on the present – which immediately provides him with a mysterious new opportunity…