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Dear all
A hundred years ago this week… With
the end in sight – although no one could tell exactly what it looked like – the
great powers involved in the war continued to keep most of their powder dry
while they planned grand attacks and/or negotiated peace deals.
So
the Western Front sputtered, the main exchanges conducted via bombing raids:
German attacks on London killed 77 and injured 176 (January 28-9) and a raid on
Paris killed 49, injuring 206 (30); British planes attacked an aerodrome at
Roulers (28) and German positions in the Cambrai area (29).
On
the former Eastern Front, the Bolsheviks severed diplomatic relations with
their erstwhile ally Romania (January 28) following a modest battle the
previous week. Bolshevik troops also engaged in a scrap with the Ukrainian Army
at Lutsk (28). This may have got Russia’s resumed Brest-Litovsk negotiations
with the Central Powers (30) off on the wrong foot, given they had just
recognised Ukraine as an independent republic.
Meanwhile,
the Italians continued their comeback against the Austrian invasion which had
stalled just north of Venice. They attacked successfully on the Asiago plain,
the Brenta Valley and Col del Rosso (January 28), the Monte Di Val Bella (28),
and the Frenzela Gorge (30). With their ground forces overstretched, the
Austrians retaliated by bombing Venice and Padua (February 3).
The
British Army’s effective reach was proven, though, by the continued push north
of Jerusalem, taking Arnutiya (January 30), and its extension of an “East
Persian Cordon” into the Khorosan region – replacing Russian troops withdrawn
by the Bolshevik government.
Arguably,
though, the way the wind blew was best indicated by a series of strikes in Germany
– Kiel, Munich, Hamburg (January 30) – followed by declarations of martial law
in Hamburg and Berlin (31), after which unrest died down temporarily.
[Memoir background: my father, Lance Corporal Signaller Sam Sutcliffe from Edmonton, north London, under-age 2/1st Royal Fusiliers
volunteer and Gallipoli veteran (Blogs September 20, 2015, to January 3, 2016),
had
fought on the Somme Front with his second outfit the Kensingtons (Blogs May 15 to September 25,
2016)…
until
officialdom spotted his real age – 18 on July 6, 1916, legally too young for
the battlefield. So they told him he could take a break from the fighting until
he turned 19. He took up the offer, though with an enduring sense of guilt. By
December, 1916, he ended up posted to Harrogate, Yorkshire, and re-allocated again,
this time to the Essex Regiment 2/7th Battalion. An
interesting year ensued – four months of blizzards, a meningitis scare, special
training in various northern locations, and then a few summer weeks stomping
around Yorkshire on a route march… which in due course led him to hospital again,
to recover from lurking effects of trench warfare’s privations and prepare for more of the same (he was 19 on July 6, 1917, while in
hospital). During that period, his Company Officer told him he’d been offered
the chance to train for a commission, but Sam detested ordering men around –
especially when death might be the outcome – so he refused; one
immediate-post-war pension form suggests this defiance may have brought about
his “reversion” to Private, but perhaps he actually requested it, given his
feelings on the subject of rank. After refreshing his signalling skills at an
Army training camp outside Crowborough, Sussex, come November/December, he enjoyed
what turned out to be the final home leave of his military career – at the end
of which he assured his family of his firm conviction that he would survive,
even if they didn’t hear from him for a while. In December/January 1917/8, he’s
returned to France, unattached to any specific Battalion pro tem, and knocking
about Brigade HQ, dogsbodying where he can – while the Front rumbles away
nearby… ]
FOOTSOLDIERSAM SPEAKS
Last week – 100 years ago – my father,
Signaller Sam Sutcliffe, Gallipoli and Somme veteran, returned to the Western Front
trenches after his year out through being still underage for the battlefield.
Not
yet attached to his official Battalion, the 2/7th Essex, and more or less
“freelancing” around Arras as a Signaller, he did four weeks with an outfit he
doesn’t name (and I can’t identify) rotating between Reserve, Support and Front
lines. A quietish time with the occasional skirmish and adventure ensued. Then they
returned to Arras and billets in a semi-ruined museum building – Sam in the
company of his new pal Neston and two other Signallers who also seem to have
been waiting on attachment to the Essex (the fog of war, admin. division, you
know).
So
from here, until Sam’s final battle, March 28, as blog editor I have to abandon
the usual this-week-100-years-ago sequencing and just run the story as it
comes. This week’s recollections relate to late February, 1918; the following
eight blogs will cover the crowded events through to my father and the 2/7th’s
climactic and tragi-heroic part in the defence against the “Operation Mars”
phase of the Spring Offensive.
However,
here he is taking his break in Arras, initially thinking about his stomach
rather than history-making events:
‘From a canteen down the road plenty of tasty eatables could
be bought, with money no longer scarce as it used to be because rates of pay
had improved. A line which attracted much of my spare cash was, you’d hardly
believe, Christmas pudding. Luscious, even though, perforce, eaten cold, and I
got my teeth into many a slab.
It didn’t seem quite
fair that, on some dark nights, the Jerries should remind us there was a war on
by flying over to drop noisy bombs on Arras station(2) and thereabouts. Bad
enough, surely, that we should have to put up with that sort of racket in the
trenches.
I recall so clearly my carefree attitude to active service
at that late stage of a most awful war… Due, no doubt, to freedom from
responsibility; during my previous time in forward areas of the battlefield in
France, in the trenches I had frequently been in charge of up to 50 men(3) — up
front, I’d found the officers around me very willing to delegate authority to
juniors, especially during the night watches.
During the
Gallipoli fiasco, the depressing conditions, the poor food, and especially the
need to keep communications open between my scruffy little hole in the ground(4)
and a similar one elsewhere, had abolished all joy from living and made smiling
a difficult performance hardly worth the required effort. In that wretched
campaign we drew no pay and had nowhere to spend it anyway.
Whereas in France,
in what turned out to be the terminal period of the war, with ample money in
our pockets, we could supplement our rations and well-filled tummies and this,
I found, did a lot for our self-respect and confidence. I thought the bread
supplied to the troops there superior to that eaten by civilians in England,
and canned foods, part of our rations, of good quality and plentiful too.
Furthermore, in
the front line it was still customary to issue a useful tot of rum to soldiers.
I couldn’t stomach the stuff, but I traded it, usually for a can of pork and
beans. I stowed these stand-by rations away along one of the supporting beams
in the dugout. I enjoyed lying on my bunk and gazing up at my accumulated
wealth. Thus, perhaps, were born the germs of faith in what Karl Marx abhorred,
the capitalist system(5).
For months, one question had nagged at us, though we seldom
spoke of it: “When will Jerry strike?” Well, he did strike, many kilos south of
the sector we had occupied of late, but our anxiety grew because we assumed it
must be the start of the enemy’s Great Last Fling.
It commenced with
the customary heavy bombardment day and night for nearly five days(6). Our most
forward positions and our artillery bore the brunt. Then, during dawn stand-to
on the fifth morning, the artillery fire suddenly lifted off the forward areas.
Our men with bayonets and rifles and magazines full lined up on firing steps
and waited for the German assault.
Many German
reconnaissance planes were flying over our trench systems, which had suffered
an immense amount of damage, so our senior officers hoped that, with every man
standing visible in his trench, the enemy aerial photos would not reveal how
severely our ranks had been thinned out by death and injury during the non-stop
shelling.
All these facts we
learned when our Brigade had to rush forward from Arras to the stricken area to
relieve the reduced and shaken garrison. We, at full strength and fighting-fit,
maintained round-the-clock readiness to prevent enemy infantry from capturing
any of our positions.
However, Jerry did
not pursue the attack and things went extraordinarily quiet during the
remainder of our stint in that sector.
Of course, we all
speculated about the reasons for this uncompleted attack. Did Jerry hope we
would assume he had insufficient resources with which to complete the job? Had
his planes observed large reserves in our rear positions which would, he
judged, prevent deep penetration? On the whole, I think we settled for the
theory favoured by older soldiers: that the enemy scheme was a bluff. It must
have caused many and varied counter-moves by our strategists which German
airmen could then observe and film, yielding information very useful to their
Generals when they launched the real big offensive.’
(2) Arras station, on what is now the Place de Maréchal Foch, is a few
hundred metres southeast of the Musée Des Beaux Arts, Rue Paul Doumer – Sam’s
billet at this point I deduce, although I can find no clear references to this particular
museum being used by the British Army. The Musée Des Beaux Arts certainly was
severely damaged, though – by German bombardments on July 5, 1915, and subsequently.
(3) On the Somme,
May-September, 1915, Sam was promoted to Corporal and sometimes Acting
Sergeant. Because his then Battalion, the Kensingtons, had no need for extra
Signallers he fought as an infantryman and often led squads out into No Man’s
Land to dig trenches by night. When he returned to England because his age had
been discovered – 18, too young for the battlefield – he began the process of
removing the rank he detested by unstitching one stripe en route so that he
joined the Essex Regiment contingent in Harrogate as a Lance Corporal. Then, in
the summer of 1917 it appears that he “reverted” to Private (no record of
related disciplinary action) after an officer, with whom he shared a mutual
detestation, had to offer him training for a commission and he refused.
(4) A hilltop Signals
“post” at Suvla Bay.
(5) My father had erratic
and enigmatic political views. After the war be became a market trader/barrow
boy back home in Edmonton – and organised his colleagues into an improbable
branch of whatever the Transport & General Workers Union was called back
then. He voted Labour all the way through to Attlee in 1945, but then, after
the creation of the NHS, free education and so on, he swung to Churchill in
1951 and stayed Tory thereafter. We argued about politics a lot and I never
really understood his thinking, but it’s entertaining to look back on.
(6) As far as I can work
out the dates, before my father gets specific again as the real Spring Offensive
starts, this “false-alarm” artillery bombardment must have happened in late
February.
All
the best –
FSS
Next week: Sam and Signaller pals to and fro from the
front line, taking on supplies of Christmas pud when back in Arras – and also,
back at the Museum, hooking up with their official Battalion at last. Then it’s
off to the front once more via a terrifying jet-black night-time march wherein
Sam scares the pants off himself by getting lost… with a long file of men
following him!
(1) In his 70s, Sam
Sutcliffe wrote Nobody Of Any Importance,
a Memoir of his life from childhood
through Gallipoli, the Somme, Arras 1918 and eight months as a POW to the 1919
Peace parade.
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